April 18, 2019

When Will I See Him?

From the Gospel of Thomas Verse 37: “His disciples said, “When will you become revealed to us and when shall we see you?”
Jesus said, “When you disrobe without being ashamed and take up your garments and place them under your feet like little children and tread on
them, then will you see the Son of the Living One, and you will not be
afraid.”

As has been interpreted by one who has ears to hear: “His disciples said, When will you (The Living Word) become revealed to us and when shall we see you? Jesus said, When you disrobe (Leave the religious establishment) without being ashamed and take up your garments (Denominations, differences) and place them under your feet like little children (The Elect) and tread on them (Reject them, throw the small fish back into the sea), then [will you see] the son of the living one (And thus be like Him, for when we see the Son, we see Him, and in seeing Him, we become as He is), and (Hence) you will not be afraid (For He is perfect Love, which casts out all fear; 1 John 4:18)*.

  • 1 John 4:18 – There is no fear in love, but perfect love casteth out fear: for fear hath painfulness: and he that feareth, is not perfect in love.
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Come Out of Her My People

From the Gospel of Thomas, Verse 21: “Mary said to Jesus, “Whom are your disciples like?”
He said, “They are like children who have settled in a field which is not theirs. When the owners of the field come, they will say, ‘Let us have back our field.’ They will undress in their presence in order to let them have
back their field and to give it back to them. Therefore I say to you, if the
owner of a house knows that the thief is coming, he will begin his vigil
before he comes and will not let him dig through into his house of his
domain to carry away his goods. You, then, be on your guard against the
World. Arm yourselves with great strength lest the robbers find a way to
come to you, for the difficulty which you expect will surely materialize.
Let there be among you a man of understanding. When the grain ripened,
he came quickly with his sickle in his hand and reaped it. Whoever has
ears to hear, let him hear.”

As has been interpreted by one how has ears to hear: “Mary (The age, who cannot touch him until his higher-level is revealed) said to Jesus, whom are your disciples like? He said, They are like children (The Elect) who have settled in a field which is not theirs (The world). When the owners of the field come (Jews and Christians; the buyers and merchants), they will say, ‘let us have back our field.’ (Religion; excommunicate the Elect within them) they (will) undress in their presence–(That is, they remove their religious clothing, or affiliations) in order to let them have back their field (Christianity, Judaism) and give it back to them (See Revelation 18:4* come out of her, my people…). Therefore I say to you, if the owner (The Father) of a house (of Israel) knows that the thief (Satan) is coming (To steal God’s Word and hide the keys of knowledge–verse 39**; Luke 11:52***; Luke 11:52), he will begin his vigil before he comes (By revealing his plan to the Elect of the Early Church) and will not let him into his house of his domain (The true Church) to carry away his goods (Scriptures, keys, and mysteries). You,(Disciples) then, be on your guard against the world (Which has taken over the religious institutions). Arm yourselves with great strength (The couching of the upper in the lower) lest the robbers (of God’s Word) find a way to come to you (and steal the keys and hide the upper meaning; but its image remains safely preserved and couched in the lower), for the difficulty which you expect (The loss of the upper-level meaning) will (surely) materialize (The mystery is to be subverted and lost for 2,000 years). Let there be among you a man of understanding (To restore it). When the grain ripened (Fell on tilled soil and produced 120-fold), he came quickly with his sickle in his hand and reaped it. Whoever has ears to hear (Like the man of understanding), let him hear.

  • Revelation 18:4 – And I heard another voice from heaven say, Go out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues:
  • **Verse 39 – Jesus said, “The Pharisees and the scribes have taken the keys of Knowledge and hidden them. They themselves have not entered, nor have they allowed to enter those who wish to. You, however, be as wise as serpents and as innocent as doves.”
  • ***Luke 11:52 – Woe be to you, Lawyers: for ye have taken away the key of knowledge: ye entered not in yourselves, and them that came in, ye forbade.
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Wake Up Colorado Wake Up! The Wolf Be Coming If’n Ya All Don’t Wake Up!

Colorado’s population is 5.76 million.
Approximately 575,000{of which 86,000 are non residents} hunters hunt large and small game in Colorado..
Colorado in 2017 totaled 33,800 ranches and farms..
The Population of Denver, roughly 700,000
So if the state does a pole or vote on wolf introduction….
Democrats control the three vital centers of state political power—the office of the governor, the state House, and the state Senate, a political trifecta…
Oh you better wake up there in Colorado..
Wolves be coming to Colorado..
But go ahead and keep pissing in the wind…

Idaho has been a political trifecta since Idaho got slammed with wolves..

Wake up Colorado Wake Up….

Excuse me while I go giggle at the hysteria of the willfully ignorant playing their parts in a politically controlled charade…

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Mathew 13 An Enemy Has Done This

Matthew 13 King James Version (KJV)

{{{Mathew 13:17 For verily I say unto you, That many prophets and righteous men have desired to see those things which ye see, and have not seen them; and to hear those things which ye hear, and have not heard them.}}}

{{{Mathew 13-30 Let both grow together until the harvest: and in the time of harvest I will say to the reapers, Gather ye together first the tares, and bind them in bundles to burn them: but gather the wheat into my barn.}}}

{{{Mathew 13-57 And they were offended in him. But Jesus said unto them, A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country, and in his own house.}}}

Read on;

13 The same day went Jesus out of the house, and sat by the sea side.

And great multitudes were gathered together unto him, so that he went into a ship, and sat; and the whole multitude stood on the shore.

And he spake many things unto them in parables, saying, Behold, a sower went forth to sow;

And when he sowed, some seeds fell by the way side, and the fowls came and devoured them up:

Some fell upon stony places, where they had not much earth: and forthwith they sprung up, because they had no deepness of earth:

And when the sun was up, they were scorched; and because they had no root, they withered away.

And some fell among thorns; and the thorns sprung up, and choked them:

But other fell into good ground, and brought forth fruit, some an hundredfold, some sixtyfold, some thirtyfold.

Who hath ears to hear, let him hear.

10 And the disciples came, and said unto him, Why speakest thou unto them in parables?

11 He answered and said unto them, Because it is given unto you to know the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven, but to them it is not given.

12 For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance: but whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken away even that he hath.

13 Therefore speak I to them in parables: because they seeing see not; and hearing they hear not, neither do they understand.

14 And in them is fulfilled the prophecy of Esaias, which saith, By hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand; and seeing ye shall see, and shall not perceive:

15 For this people’s heart is waxed gross, and their ears are dull of hearing, and their eyes they have closed; lest at any time they should see with their eyes and hear with their ears, and should understand with their heart, and should be converted, and I should heal them.

16 But blessed are your eyes, for they see: and your ears, for they hear.

{{{17 For verily I say unto you, That many prophets and righteous men have desired to see those things which ye see, and have not seen them; and to hear those things which ye hear, and have not heard them.}}}

18 Hear ye therefore the parable of the sower.

19 When any one heareth the word of the kingdom, and understandeth it not, then cometh the wicked one, and catcheth away that which was sown in his heart. This is he which received seed by the way side.

20 But he that received the seed into stony places, the same is he that heareth the word, and anon with joy receiveth it;

21 Yet hath he not root in himself, but dureth for a while: for when tribulation or persecution ariseth because of the word, by and by he is offended.

22 He also that received seed among the thorns is he that heareth the word; and the care of this world, and the deceitfulness of riches, choke the word, and he becometh unfruitful.

23 But he that received seed into the good ground is he that heareth the word, and understandeth it; which also beareth fruit, and bringeth forth, some an hundredfold, some sixty, some thirty.

24 Another parable put he forth unto them, saying, The kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man which sowed good seed in his field:

25 But while men slept, his enemy came and sowed tares among the wheat, and went his way.

26 But when the blade was sprung up, and brought forth fruit, then appeared the tares also.

27 So the servants of the householder came and said unto him, Sir, didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? from whence then hath it tares?

28 He said unto them, An enemy hath done this. The servants said unto him, Wilt thou then that we go and gather them up?

29 But he said, Nay; lest while ye gather up the tares, ye root up also the wheat with them.

{{{30 Let both grow together until the harvest: and in the time of harvest I will say to the reapers, Gather ye together first the tares, and bind them in bundles to burn them: but gather the wheat into my barn.}}}

31 Another parable put he forth unto them, saying, The kingdom of heaven is like to a grain of mustard seed, which a man took, and sowed in his field:

32 Which indeed is the least of all seeds: but when it is grown, it is the greatest among herbs, and becometh a tree, so that the birds of the air come and lodge in the branches thereof.

33 Another parable spake he unto them; The kingdom of heaven is like unto leaven, which a woman took, and hid in three measures of meal, till the whole was leavened.

34 All these things spake Jesus unto the multitude in parables; and without a parable spake he not unto them:

35 That it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet, saying, I will open my mouth in parables; I will utter things which have been kept secret from the foundation of the world.

36 Then Jesus sent the multitude away, and went into the house: and his disciples came unto him, saying, Declare unto us the parable of the tares of the field.

37 He answered and said unto them, He that soweth the good seed is the Son of man;

38 The field is the world; the good seed are the children of the kingdom; but the tares are the children of the wicked one;

39 The enemy that sowed them is the devil; the harvest is the end of the world; and the reapers are the angels.

40 As therefore the tares are gathered and burned in the fire; so shall it be in the end of this world.

41 The Son of man shall send forth his angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom all things that offend, and them which do iniquity;

42 And shall cast them into a furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth.

43 Then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father. Who hath ears to hear, let him hear.

44 Again, the kingdom of heaven is like unto treasure hid in a field; the which when a man hath found, he hideth, and for joy thereof goeth and selleth all that he hath, and buyeth that field.

45 Again, the kingdom of heaven is like unto a merchant man, seeking goodly pearls:

46 Who, when he had found one pearl of great price, went and sold all that he had, and bought it.

47 Again, the kingdom of heaven is like unto a net, that was cast into the sea, and gathered of every kind:

48 Which, when it was full, they drew to shore, and sat down, and gathered the good into vessels, but cast the bad away.

49 So shall it be at the end of the world: the angels shall come forth, and sever the wicked from among the just,

50 And shall cast them into the furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth.

51 Jesus saith unto them, Have ye understood all these things? They say unto him, Yea, Lord.

52 Then said he unto them, Therefore every scribe which is instructed unto the kingdom of heaven is like unto a man that is an householder, which bringeth forth out of his treasure things new and old.

53 And it came to pass, that when Jesus had finished these parables, he departed thence.

54 And when he was come into his own country, he taught them in their synagogue, insomuch that they were astonished, and said, Whence hath this man this wisdom, and these mighty works?

55 Is not this the carpenter’s son? is not his mother called Mary? and his brethren, James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas?

56 And his sisters, are they not all with us? Whence then hath this man all these things?

{{{57 And they were offended in him. But Jesus said unto them, A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country, and in his own house.}}}

58 And he did not many mighty works there because of their unbelief.

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Public Figures And Arrogance Goes Hand In Hand

I know some public figures that can’t stop sticking their own foot in their own mouths whenever they open up their big mouths…

The truth about any subject matter is extremely difficult to find and sometimes public figures believe they’re sharing the truth and it turns out they really aren’t.. If they find out they aren’t they must be willing and instantly able to go back to the untruth that they thought was a truth and say they were wrong and correct it, but they don’t do it because they’re cowards… that’s a responsibility that they all should have to carry but it’s embarrassing and most public figures can’t bring themselves to do it even though they should have done it several times as that public figure because they’re all human beings. Public figures make mistakes too.. the only difference being when they make a mistake it’s usually not forgivable so they deny it, cover it up, blame someone else, lie and lie again.. That’s what happens when you become a public figure…

You end up just like all of the rest of the public figures. A lying denying hiding rascal…Who loves to pat themselves on their own backs.. Some of them do it so much it amazes those of us who see through these rascals that their arm doesn’t break off… Especially the arrogant ones who take all of the credit for some issue that involved a lot of people working to expose it.. Like the politicized wolf programme issue… As an example… Just the incorrect use of legalism terminologies will expose some public figures for the childish arrogant fools they really are.. it’s unfortunate really.. Especially when their pride causes them to be unteachable.. Those are the special ones..

Most of these public figures spout nonsense and either offer limited data in support of their nonsense or no data at all.. That has become the M.O. of all sides of the wolf programme agenda.. Public figures mouthing off using incomplete data.. That issue has turned into a huge joke.. I have many wealthy friends here in the local hunting community.. Professionals in various self owned businesses who agree, we’re observing a push back against the wolf pogramme that has become a joke.. A joke that is followed by low intellects who are also jokes… In fact that “defense” of the hunting model is such a joke you’d suspect it has been intentionally sabotaged by the enemies of the hunting model..

I guess that was to be expected though.. When whoever pitted international legalism scribes writing legalisms for the United Nations Environmental Polices Agenda against non legalism scribes I suppose our hunting heritage was doomed right then and there.. Especially when the less enlightened hunting advocates chose to ignore the legalisms data in use for the purpose of destroying the hunting model.. Oh well.. Live and learn applies to everything..

Public Figure-ism is obviously a mental disorder, ambulatory psychotic-ness by my experiences of these rascals..

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John 16

Did they have our backs? No.. Did they excommunicate us? Yes.. Would they see us killed? Yes they would.. Their god is the God of this world and that gods robots running that gods corporations..

John 16 1599 Geneva Bible (GNV)

16 1 He foretelleth the disciples of persecution.?7 He promiseth the Comforter, and declareth his office.?21 He compareth the affliction of his, to a woman that travaileth with child.

These [a]things have I said unto you, that ye should not be offended.

They shall excommunicate you: yea the time shall come, that whosoever killeth you, will think that he doeth God service.

And these things will they do unto you, because they have not known the Father, nor me.

But these things have I told you, that when the hour shall come, ye might remember, that I told you them. And these things said I not unto you from the beginning, because I was with you.

But now I go my way to him that sent me, and none of you asketh me, Whither goest thou?

But because I have said these things unto you, your hearts are full of sorrow.

[b]Yet I tell you the truth, It is expedient for you that I go away: for if I go not away, that Comforter will not come unto you: but if I depart, I will send him unto you,

[c]And when he is come, he will [d]reprove the [e]world of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment.

Of sin, because they believed not in me:

10 Of [f]righteousness, because I go to my Father, and ye shall see me no more.

11 Of [g]judgment, [h]because the prince of this world is judged.

12 [i]I have yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them now.

13 Howbeit, when he is come which is the spirit of truth, he will lead you into all truth: for he shall not speak of himself, but whatsoever he shall hear, shall he speak, and he will show you the things to come.

14 [j]He shall glorify me: for he shall receive of mine, and shall show it unto you.

15 All things that the Father hath, are mine: therefore said I, that he shall take of mine, and show it unto you.

16 [k]A [l]little while, and ye shall not see me: and again a little while, and ye shall see me: [m]for I go to the Father.

17 Then said some of his disciples among themselves, What is this that he saith unto us, A little while, and ye shall not see me, and again a little while, and ye shall see me, and, For I go to the Father.

18 They said therefore, What is this that he saith, A little while? we know not what he saith.

19 Now Jesus knew that they would ask him, and said unto them, Do ye inquire among yourselves, of that I said, A little while, and ye shall not see me: and again, a little while, and ye shall see me?

20 Verily, verily I say unto you, that ye shall weep and lament, and the world shall rejoice, and ye shall sorrow, but your sorrow shall be turned to joy.

21 A woman when she travaileth hath sorrow because her hour is come: but as soon as she is delivered of the child, she remembereth no more the anguish, for joy that a man is born into the world.

22 And ye now therefore are in sorrow: but I will see you again, and your hearts shall rejoice, and your joy shall no man take from you.

23 And in that day shall ye ask me nothing. Verily, verily I say unto you, whatsoever ye shall ask the Father in my Name, he will give it you.

24 Hitherto have ye asked nothing in my Name: ask, and ye shall receive, that your joy may be full.

25 [n]These things have I spoken unto you in parables: but the time will come, when I shall no more speak to you in parables: but I shall show you plainly of the Father.

26 [o]At that day shall ye ask in my Name, and I say not unto you, that I will pray unto the Father for you:

27 For the Father himself loveth you, because ye have loved me, and have believed that I came out from God.

28 I am come out from the Father, and came into the world: again I leave the world, and go to the Father.

29 [p]His disciples said unto him, Lo, now speakest thou plainly, and thou speakest no parable.

30 Now know we that thou knowest all things, and needest not that any man should ask thee. By this we believe, that thou art come out from God.

31 Jesus answered them, Do you believe now?

32 [q]Behold, the hour cometh, and is already come, that ye shall be scattered every man into his own, and shall leave me alone: But I am not alone: for the Father is with me.

33 [r]These things have I spoken unto you, that [s]in me ye might have peace: in the world ye shall have affliction, but be of good comfort: I have overcome the world.

Footnotes:

  1. John 16:1 The ministers of the Gospel must look for all manner of reproaches, not only of them which are open enemies, but even of them also which seem to be of the same household, and the very pillars of the Church.
  2. John 16:7 The absence of Christ, according to the flesh, is profitable to the Church, that we may wholly depend upon his spiritual power.
  3. John 16:8 The Spirit of God worketh so mightily by the preaching of the word, that he constraineth the world, will it, nill it, to confess its own unrighteousness, and Christ’s righteousness and almightiness.
  4. John 16:8 He will so reprove the world, that the worldlings shall be able to present no excuse.
  5. John 16:8 He respecteth the time that followed his ascension, when as all gainsayers were manifestly reproved through the pouring out of the holy Ghost upon the Church: So that the very enemies of Christ were reproved of sin, in that they were constrained to confess that they were deceived, in that they believed not, and therefore they said to Peter, Acts 2, Men and brethren, what shall we do?
  6. John 16:10 Of Christ himself: For when the world shall see, that I have poured out the holy Ghost, they shall be constrained to confess that I was just, and was not condemned of my Father, when I went out of this world.
  7. John 16:11 Of that authority and power, which I have both in heaven and earth.
  8. John 16:11 That is, because they shall then understand and know indeed, that I have overcome the devil, and do govern the world, when all men shall see, that they set themselves against you in vain, for I will arm you with that heavenly power, whereby you may destroy every high thing which is lifted up against the knowledge of God, 2 Cor. 10:12.
  9. John 16:12 The doctrine of the Apostles proceeded from the holy Ghost, and is most perfect.
  10. John 16:14 The holy Ghost bringeth no new doctrine, but teacheth that which was uttered by Christ’s own mouth, and imprinteth it in our minds.
  11. John 16:16 The grace of the holy Ghost is a most lively glass, wherein Christ is truly beholden with the most sharpsighted eyes of faith, and not with the bleared eyes of the flesh: whereby we feel a continual joy even in the midst of sorrows.
  12. John 16:16 When a little time is once past.
  13. John 16:16 For I pass to eternal glory, so that I shall be much more present with you, than I was before: for then you shall feel indeed what I am, and what I am able to do.
  14. John 16:25 The holy Ghost which was poured upon the Apostles after the Ascension of Christ, instructed both them in all chiefest mysteries and secrets of our salvation, and also by them the Church, and will also instruct it to the end of the world.
  15. John 16:26 The sum of the worship of God, is the invocation of the Father in the Name of the Son the Mediator, who is already heard for us, for whom he hath abased himself, and is now also glorified.
  16. John 16:29 Faith and foolish security differ very much.
  17. John 16:32 Neither the wickedness of the world, neither the weakness of his own can diminish anything of the virtue of Christ.
  18. John 16:33 The surety and stay of the Church dependeth only upon the victory of Christ.
  19. John 16:33 That in me you might be thoroughly quieted. For by (peace) is meant in this place, that quiet state of mind, which is clean contrary to disquietness and heaviness.
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George Washington’s Farewell Address, Oops

George Washington told you people that don’t read things that you should read how you would lose everything in the second half of his farewell address…Nearly spot on… Wealth bought it. Confiscated it… It’s all right there in plain sight but your blind eyes can’t see… Albeit I understand completely, you’re not interested in the entire scope of this worlds reality’s.. To busy chasing dead elk and cattle stories..

Washington’s Farewell Address 1796

1796

Friends and Citizens:

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rival ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it – It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

Geo. Washington.

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Agenda 21-United Nations Environmental Policies Not Treaties but Implemented Accession



Accession: “Accession

“Accession” is the act whereby a state accepts the offer or the opportunity to become a party to a treaty already negotiated and signed by other states. It has the same legal effect as ratification. Accession usually occurs after the treaty has entered into force. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, in his function as depositary, has also accepted accessions to some conventions before their entry into force. The conditions under which accession may occur and the procedure involved depend on the provisions of the treaty. A treaty might provide for the accession of all other states or for a limited and defined number of states. In the absence of such a provision, accession can only occur where the negotiating states were agreed or subsequently agree on it in the case of the state in question.

[Arts.2 (1) (b) and 15, Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969]” — http://ask.un.org/faq/14594

Picture is from: The American State Papers, 1st Congress, 2nd Session Foreign Relations: Volume 1 Page 12 showing how long the process of Accession has been around..

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Material Girls Just Want To Have Fun

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The Universal Right of Self Determination Places Men Who Exercise The Right Into Another Social Compact Owned By Others

Political Charters Create Corporate Countries As Fictions… You’re still formulating a fiction… The social compact must meet the requirements of a higher authority to be approved…

“The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO),played an important role in trying to redress a situation in which, in copyright terms, the world emerged from the war “virtually split into two entirely separate and independent parts”. Launched in 1945 as successor to the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), UNESCO anchored its copyright policy in the 1948 Declaration on Human Rights.””

The U.N. is a privately owned politically chartered property.. Just like any other..

Who owns the Politically Chartered United Nations… ? Thats who you’re subjects of under the Universal Right of Self Determination.. Are those owners so clever that you’ve placed yourself under their Customs and Traditions Doctrines? Because they own it, do prepare the process of the right of self determination according to how they say so or they deny your claim to it.. Become a citizen under a new contract with the United Nations.. Who owns the U.N.? I know who owns the U.N.. The United Kingdom with the United States Through the Atlantic Charter established the United Nations, for his Majesty the King.. Who is subservient to the Caesar sitting in the Temple of the Divine Serpent.. So don’t piss down my neck and tell me you’re a free man when you are not… Constitutions of the World, WORLD CHARTER SIGNED (1945), The Earth Charter: Constitution of the Global Super-State,

Politics, and Political Charters it must be remembered is ‘someones’ figment of the imagination or creation of the mind that makes up their personal view of the way they see the world and its relationships within their own imaginings. This view resides in their mind and their mind alone, and therefore it is fictitious in nature and can be reflected on paper as a contract ‘mimicking’ the physical world.. Discovery of proper use of the original thinkers formulation of the process places one under the origin thinkers, or under the holder of the intellectual property rights of the customary processes, jurisdiction.. Thats where you’re at..

UNESCO’s strategic deceptive foil of cover as camouflage, in the use of its development of “collectivist” terms for a “Declaration on Human Rights”, won them the approval of their competing proposals for the Self-Ennobling Ones to accept, as the best means of providing for an excuse to convince the victims of designed eugenicist wars, to relegate their ‘freedoms of independence’ to closer cooperation, or corporation, by compelling acquiescence of the general populace to such terms, out of “fear” of a repeat performance of world war, in it being said, that closer cooperation would quell the brutal urges of man.
They, the general populace at large, having no inkling whatsoever, that their compulsion to accept these copywritten terms had been by design, would also have no inkling, that UNESCO’s proposals had the further advantage of completely blinding them into not coming to an understanding that what was copywritten by them in turn, through the Self-Ennobling One’s instruments of deception, (without qualification under registration of ‘noncommital-to-contract’ to copywritten-countries, but merely to record), would effectively provide the means for the Self-Ennobling Ones agencies to ‘collectively’ interfere in the ownership of their intellectual property.
Interfere as superior authorities to a now admitted subordinate position of a registrant, and that through copyright registration ‘without qualificaiton’, it was an admission that registrants were mentally incapable of maintaining their own affairs, in the same way a child lacked the mental capacity to provide for themselves, by demonstrably not understanding the requirements of speaking-up in their own self-interests, as an adult would understand to do, given their circumstances in the world as being functionally independent, and with the recognition that that independence brings, of having the cognition to voice that independence in line with their self-interests and circumstances.
Failure to speak-up, would no doubt reflect on their mental capacities as being immature and in need of assistance by rightly remaining in the charge of an adult parental figure providing for stewardship, to guide and decide what would be in their best interests. Such arrangements, of course, could find their victims intellectual rights the subject of ‘profitable confiscation’ by any number of ‘seemingly’ legitimate means.
The reader to the preceding may remain unperturbed, since as it ought to be well known, any formal relationships entered into, calls for honesty in the interests of fairness for obvious, fair and full disclosure to be provided – for the very reason that genuine ‘fairness’ can only be the basis of authenticity and therefore legitamcy – otherwise, whatsoever arrangements were entered into without full disclosure made known as to the true nature of the operations of the parties to a relationship, would justly render those arrangements ‘null and void’. And that being the case, without having even to speak of ‘the requirements of justice’.
Continuing, page 535
“Prior to the Brussels conference, UNESCO had already noted how copyright was a “barrier” to the “free flow of culture among all the peoples of the world”. In the next few years, UNESCO instigated a number of copyright initiatives culminating in 1952 with The Universal Copyright Convention(UCC).
In sum, the UCC offered an international multilateral convention with lower levels of protection than Berne, thus providing a vehicle for the US to come into the fold of multilateral international copyright agreements. Several specificities in national legislation kept the US outside Berne until 1989; these were primarily the compulsory registration of copyright and the controversial manufacturing requirement, which afforded English-language books copyright protection in the US only if manufacturedon American soil. As a compromise between the formal registration required by US law and the no formalities-Berne framework, the UCC introduced the use of a ©symbol, making it possible for the US and other countries to sign the UCC without having to change their national legislation.”
Sources:
Volume 7, Issue 3, December 2010
COLONIAL COPYRIGHT, POSTCOLONIAL PUBLICS :THE BERNE CONVENTIONAND THE 1967 STOCKHOLM DIPLOMATIC CONFERENCE REVISITED
Eva Hemmungs Wirtén
United International Bureaux for the Protection of Intellectual Property
World Intellectual Property Organization
Multilateral agreements and a TRIPS-plus world:
The World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO)

As long as people remain confused about the true nature of political charters, social compacts, constitutions, contracts, then what they think are their Natural Rights will be trodden on by contractual experts acting honorably.. And people like KC and DW will tell you’ you’re a moron because you don’t want to replicate what these lying thieves have done for centuries, using Customary and Traditional contractual processes to fk over everyone in their path…

Universal Copyright Convention
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Universal_Copyright_Convention
Again, we note the understandings reached concerning issues of creative intellectual property rights, when we learn of those acting on behalf of the authors to creative property, organizing their interests through their forums to settle on agreement, when we read, 1. Introduction, page 1, of, ‘Selling Books: The League of Nations and the Globalization of Intellectual Property Rights in the 1930s’ –
After a series of bilateral agreements the main European book trading countries enacted in cooperation with culturally aware publishers and authors a multilateral agreement, the Berne Convention, in 1886. Although the American states passed the first Inter-American copyright agreement at the same time, the Convention of Montevideo in 1889, it was the Berne Convention, which proofed to be a reliable political instrument in the course of the twentieth century pointing the way ahead when intellectual property rights were institutionalized on a global scale first with the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) in 1967 followed by the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994.

The League of Nations and the Globalization of Intellectual Property
Rights in the 1930s
Isabella Löhr, University of Leipzig

COLONIAL COPYRIGHT, POSTCOLONIAL PUBLICS, those who don’t understand the dangers fictions can pose, are to be further deluded into thinking that they matter, with this –

  1. Epilogue: Geneva, October 2007, page 549
    “In October 2007, the WIPO Development Agenda was established by the WIPO General Assembly. Scholars have hailed it as a possible new departure for the international intellectual property regime, which has been completely dominated since 1994 by the trade-based rationales of WTO and the infamous Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). TRIPS has eclipsed and helped render the UCC “wholly peripheral to the current international copyright framework” and is targeted for critique by developing nations, echoing concerns already articulated already in 1967. The Stockholm Protocol, a satellite “disconnected from its orbit”, is another instrument relegated to the cemetery where intellectual property texts go to die. Yet, each of these texts is part of the historical foundation from which the Development Agenda draws inspiration.
    Although it remains to be seen what clout the Development Agenda will have to redress past wrongs and more recent sins in the power relations between developed and developing nations, it proposes substantial changes in both its general direction and WIPO governance. In 1884, 1885, and 1886 only a handful of nations were present to formulate the original Berne Convention, and they represented a diplomatic elite. Fifty-seven states and more than 400 inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations were present in Stockholm. At present, WIPO counts 184 member nations and over 250 NGOs among those who participate in Geneva deliberations. NGOs now out weigh states in total number, greatly accelerating the presence of civil society in these global arenas, suggesting, to Ruth Okediji, that states are not as important in setting the agenda as they used to be.”
    Source:
    Volume 7, Issue 3, December 2010
    COLONIAL COPYRIGHT, POSTCOLONIAL PUBLICS :THE BERNE CONVENTION AND THE 1967 STOCKHOLM DIPLOMATIC CONFERENCE REVISITED
    Eva Hemmungs Wirtén
    http://www.academia.edu/432552/Colonial_Copyright_Postcolonial_Publics_the_Berne_Convention_and_the_1967_Stockholm_Diplomatic_Conference_Revisited

===

The political WORLD system is an PRIVATELY OWNED intellectual propertied exclusive system representing the OWNERS interests, and it is impossible for any persons, groups, peoples, whatever their status or philosophies may be regardless of what is said of their political leanings, to genuinely represent people away from those prioritising interests of the world systems OWNERS, Those ignoring this reality deserve what they get. To reiterate, all, absolutely all political parties represent the exclusive interests of the World Systems OWNERS; irregardless of perspectives perceptions or beliefs to the contrary..

Definition of Confidence trick
A confidence trick (synonyms include confidence scheme, scam and stratagem) is an attempt to defraud a person or group after first gaining their confidence, used in the classical sense of trust. Confidence tricks exploit characteristics of the human psyche such as dishonesty, honesty, vanity, compassion, credulity, irresponsibility, naïveté and greed.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confidence_trick

Commemorating the UN charter.. The Charter of the United Nations.. The Political Charter of the United Nations.. Hmmmm… “The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister…representing His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom…” Ah those fascinating details of the Atlantic Charter… Both the President of the United States and the Prime Minister are representing His Majesty… ” In the Declaration by United Nations of 1 January 1942, the Allies pledged adherence to this charter’s principles.”
“The Atlantic Charter set goals for the post-war world and inspired many of the international agreements that shaped the world thereafter.”
The policy was issued as a statement; as such there was no formal, legal document entitled “The Atlantic Charter”.
Source:
Atlantic Charter
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlantic_Charter

The United Nations “pledges” adherence to the Atlantic Charter, means that the United Nations “allegiance” is to the Atlantic Charter. It is therefore the Atlantic Charter that is in ownership of the United Nations and it, the Atlantic Charter, is in turn in the ownership of the Office titled His Majesty, which Office of Monarchy will pass to the Heirs of that Office.
How interesting that we read, that even before the end of the Second World War, the Atlantic Charter ‘somehow’ prophetically determined the ‘designs’ of the post-war world.

So, would his Majesty be the Previous King of Great Britain, who served Caesar.. The Roman Pontiff..

The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) forms the central coordinating core instrument and forum of the United Nations, representing as ‘plenipotentiary’, the direct will of the Office of Monarch

The ECOSOC serves as the central forum for discussing international economic and social issues, and for formulating policy recommendations addressed to member states and the United Nations system.’

Am I to understand the Atlantic Charter to be law, given to mean that it is the will and wish as personally owned private law, through that of the Office of His Majesty, currently in our time Her Majesty, and not that of a legal document constituting a bilateral offer. From the preceding, it perhaps could be seen that the Atlantic Charter constitutes, in effect, a unilateral offer that brings into employment as employee’s, those that wish to accept ‘acting out their lives’ through continued employment to it. Then from there, it could be said and seen that the Offeror, having fulfiled an obligation to perform in making available the written instrument through which acceptance can be made to it, would have honoured his bargain. As with all else in line with ‘political charters’.

Under the subheading, ‘Drafting the Declaration’, we read –
“One major change from the Atlantic Charter was the addition of a provision for religious freedom, which Stalin approved after Roosevelt insisted.”

Unless of course it is against ones religion to associate oneself within their nifty little Customs and Traditions Usage compacts..

Then of course we find the articles, 1 January 1955 – Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations: original manuscript prepared for printing.
The United Nations Charter open to the signatory page.
International Organizations
Charter of the United Nations, 1945

Under the subheading, ‘Charter Provisions’, we read beneath the subtitle, ‘Preamble’, the words –
“We the peoples of the United Nations determined”

A perculiar phrasing given the word, peoples, since the word, ‘people’, on its own is both singular and plural in number in its description of those individuals to be found in the physical world.
Whereas the term, peoples, cannot be of the physical world since the term, people, caters for that territory, and therefore, peoples is a description relating to someone’s personally owned private fictitious noun of their own making, within the territory of their imagination.
Furthermore, for the perculiar people to find themselves within the house of the United Nations, as the phrasing mis-leads us to believe, they would need to agree to accept an offer to be able to enter such a house and only then could they be found within its walls; setting aside the notions of personally owned private fictitious intellectual copywritten jurisdictional territory presented here as, the United Nations.

So the rest of the Universal Right of Self Determination is understood… You’re still bowing your knee to others…

Key points of consideration
– a failure to understand the nature of constitutions and legislative authority necessarily being personally owned private copyrighted intellectual property, and not withstanding that legislation emanating from these written instruments represent personally owned private law under the ownership of the self-validating clergy’s offices
– multinationals are not the principle controling corporations for a push to global government. It is the Self-Ennobling Ones and their self-validating clergy’s personally owned private fictitious corporate copyrighted countries that are pushing for world government
– the former Pope, John Paul II, fully advocated for global goverment in his Self-Ennobling representative office of Pontifex Maximus; the greatest of ‘bridge-builders’ (king)
~
The Meaning and Origin of “Pontifex Maximus”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pI7pO2DlCRY
Pontifex Maximus
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pontifex_Maximus
THE POPES ARE CAESARS
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Ktf0d-ms7U
~
We read –
“…superior papal authority and dominion is derived from the law of the Caesars.”
Source:
Lucius Ferraris, in “Prompta Bibliotheca Canonica, Juridica, Moralis, Theologica, Ascetica, Polemica, Rubristica, Historica”, Volume VII, article on “Papa, Article II”, titled “Concerning the extent of Papal dignity, authority, or dominion and infallibility”, #19, page 27, published by Apud G. Storti, 1782 edition.
Material Source:
Adm. rev. p. F. Lucii Ferraris … Prompta Bibliotheca canonica, juridica, moralis, theologica …
by Lucius Ferraris
Published 1782
Volume 7
Publisher Apud G. Storti

19, page 27

PAPA Art. II
https://archive.org/stream/admrevpfluciife05ferrgoog#page/n36/mode/1up
Google Translator and disambiguation, given in parts as:
Congruunt ulterius quo ad Papae summam auctoritatem
(‘Consistent further to the Pope’s supreme authority and powers’ – given to mean, ‘the Pope’s supreme authority and power are derived from or consist of’)
et potestarem textus juris Caesarei
(‘the text of the law and the powers of Caesar’ – given to mean, ‘power of Caesar’s law’)
Final disambiguation:
Congruunt ulterius quo ad Papae summam auctoritatem et porestarem textus juris Caesarei
“The Pope’s supreme authority and power are derived from, the power of Caesar’s law”
Reference Sources:
Ferraris, Prompta Bibliotheca
http://www.canonlaw.info/canonlaw_IUSPROMPT.htm

  1. Congruunt ulterius quaod Papae summam auctoritatem et potestatem texius juris Caesarei.
    Consistent beyond that superior papal authority and dominion is derived from the law of the Caesars.
    PAPA – POPE
    ARTICULUS II – ARTICLE 2
    Quoadea quoeconcernunt papae dignitatem, auctoritatem, seu potestatem, et infallibilitatem.
    Concerning the extent of Papal dignity, authority, or dominion and infallibility.
    SUMMARIUM – SUMMARY
    http://biblelight.net/1823-24.htm
    Sourced:
    Columns 1823 – 1824 (92K) – A summary of 82 points – a rough English Translation (incomplete)
    Prompta Bibliotheca Canonica, Juridica, Moralis, Theologica, Ascetica, Polemica, Rubristica, Historica.
    Vol. 5, published in Petit-Montrouge (Paris) by J. P. Migne, 1858 edition
    by Lucius Ferraris
    http://biblelight.net/prompta.htm
    Title names of the Pope
    http://vaticannewworldorder.blogspot.com/2012/04/on-this-page-you-will-find-authentic.html
    “Quotes” of the Popes: Their Context and Legitimacy
    http://americanberean.blogspot.com/2012/05/quotes-of-popes-their-context-and.html
    ~
    – the catholic church was never blackmailed, infiltrated, or taken over :
    Divine right of kings –
    The divine right of kings, or divine-right theory of kingship, is a political and religious doctrine of royal and political legitimacy. It asserts that a monarch is subject to no earthly authority, deriving the right to rule directly from the will of God.
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Divine_right_of_kings
    Comment:
    Divine Right of Kings –
    If we consider that all men are ‘equally endowed’ by nature’s Cause with ‘innate freewill’, then the information we find in reading what is said about the Divine Right of Kings, as well as what is said concerning ‘the Church’, is something of a curiosity, since the Will of God, we would reasonably deduce in relation to man, is quite clear when it comes to all men everywhere – who are endowed with ‘an equal measure of freewill before nature’s Cause or nature’s God’, without exception in the realm of the physical world.
    The source of a rebellion to what man sees as God’s Will, on the matter of freewill, would not be God as the source of rebellion contradicting Himself; we would reasonably deduce regarding ‘equal freewill’ in all men, but the source of rebellion, if we look to Heaven for heavenly authority and the source of what God would not make absurd in us, would then be an alternative to God’s Authority and the use by men of that ‘alternative authority’, in making ‘absurd’, equal innate freewill endowed by nature’s Cause or nature’s God in all men.
    The Crown of the Cæsars Passes to the Papacy –
    From Chapter 2, entitled, The Crown of the Cæsars Passes to the Papacy, we read,
    The Roman Church, without dispute, had by 538 inherited the seat of the Caesars, as Adolf Harnack recorded in his book What is Christianity?,
    It [the Papacy] is a political creation, and as imposing as a World-Empire, because of the continuation of the Roman Empire. The Pope, who calls himself “King” and “Pontifex Maximus” is Caesar’s successor. (New York, Putnam, 1901, second edition, page 270).
    The same historian concluded that—
    The Roman Church in its way privily pushed itself into the place of the Roman World-Empire, of which it is the actual continuation. (Ibid.)
    Alexander Clarence Flick in his historical work, The Rise of the Mediaeval Church, concluded that,
    The mighty Catholic Church was little more than the Roman Empire baptised. Rome was transformed as well as converted. The very capital of the old Empire became the capital of the Christian Empire. The office of the Pontifex Maximus was continued in that of the Pope. . . . Even the Roman language has remained the official language of the Roman Catholic Church down through the ages. (New York: Burt Franklin, 1959 pp 148, 149).
    http://www.sundaylaw.net/books/other/standish/twobeasts/tb02.htm
    SOURCES & ALTERNATIVE SOURCES FOR READINGS IN CHURCH HISTORY
    What is Christianity? (1957) by Harnack, Adolf von, 1851-1930, New York, Harper 1901
    https://archive.org/details/whatischristian01saungoog
    Adolf Harnack – German historian and theologian
    http://www.ccel.org/ccel/harnack
    Adolf von Harnack
    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adolf_von_Harnack

– the Self-Ennobling Ones and their self-validating clergy are as one in the world of fiction
– the modern vatican, the United Nations (UN), is in the possession of the Self-Ennobling Ones
– the workings and laws of the Roman Catholic Church (e.g. Canon Law and its branches being the legislative laws of countries) are not the business of the world at large and rightly remain the private business of the Self-Ennobling Ones

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